Afghanistan war
Good mornin' duck fans! Let's start the week by revisiting last week's firestorm in ...
Afghanistan
- Hamid Karzai has become a bewildering enigma for many Americans as he launched yet another verbal tirade against the US last week. This time he recklessly accused the US of colluding with the Taliban. The NY Times speculates that Karzai is keen to shape his legacy given the ultimate fate of Mohammed Najibullah and many other Afghan leaders who came before him. This is certainly plausible, but hardly the whole story. Unfortunately, the article also condescendingly implies that the Afghan head of state simply "does not understand" that his government is totally dependent on international funding. Karzai understands; everyone in Afghanistan knows who is paying the bills.
- President Karzai's accusation that the Americans are currently colluding with the Taliban is extremely implausible and completely unsubstantiated. However, me thinks some Americans doth protest too much. Beneath all of the American outrage and bluster, it is important to remember that the US engaged and supported the Taliban regime after they took Kabul in 1996. Both Bill Clinton and George W. Bush sought to work with the Taliban. Bush even invited the Taliban to his Texas ranch in 1997. The US was perfectly aware of the Taliban's treatment of women and their general abuse of human rights from early 1996. Moreover, in recent years the US has negotiated with representatives of "the" Taliban (as if the Taliban were still just one organization) without involving Karzai - although there is no evidence that the US is currently negotiating with Taliban members as Karzai claims.
"This is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning." So spoke Winston Churchill, after the Allied victory in the Second Battle of El Alamein. We could say much the same of his defeat in the 1945 general election.
A core assumption underlying most of the work analyzing the impact of domestic politics on international relations is that leaders want to remain in office. Insofar as ensuring national survival, territorial integrity, and policy autonomy might help leaders retain power, focusing on political ambition often does not tell us anything more than we might get from a state-centric approach. But there are some important exceptions. For one, democracies rarely if ever fight wars against one another. The fact that different institutions create different incentives for self-interested leaders may have something to do with that. For another, we often attribute the occurrence (or continuation) of wars to electoral motivations. I myself argued for a long time that Obama was pursuing the same strategy in Afghanistan that Nixon pursued in Vietnam - don't lose the war until you're a lame duck.

Most of these arguments, however, assume that a leader's career ends once he or she leaves office. Yet this is not the case. Many leaders eventually make a comeback, returning to office after some time out of power. The British electorate deemed Churchill less suitable for managing the postwar economic recovery than international crises, and so favored the Labour Party in 1945. Yet they once more turned to the Churchill and the Conservatives in 1951 after the Labour Party had achieved most of what it set out to do. If we were to limit our attention to the 1945 election, we might conclude that Churchill did not benefit electorally from victory in WWII (as I myself once did), even though Churchill's wartime record contributed to his return to power.
US "combat operations" in Afghanistan are officially scheduled to wind down in 2014. And media attention is now turning toward speculating (i.e. relaying contending institutional preferences between the White House and the Pentagon) on the level of US troop presence in Afghanistan after 2014. Current estimates, in case you still care, are that US troop levels will be roughly around 10,000 assisted by a couple thousand NATO troops -- assuming, of course, that President Karzai agrees to prolong the suspension of his country's full sovereignty. For next year, however, it is likely that at least 60,000 US troops will remain through the fighting season.
The notion that "combat operations" will be wrapped up by 2014 while US forces shift toward an advisory "support role" reflects a typically deceptive use of an innocuous sounding phrase like "support role" that the public has come to accept uncritically from our military leaders and policymakers. Regardless of what US troops actually do in their "support" capacity, it is clear that the narrative arc -- despite the salacious demise of one of the story's chief architects and protagonists -- is still oriented toward reassuring Americans that the decade long war is nearly over and that Afghanistan has been miraculously stabilized. This noble lie may be necessary for extricating the bulk of US/NATO/ISAF forces from this war, but it is also dangerous given the way that myths about the successful use of force create their own reality over time.
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